WASHINGTON, DC – In the nine months since Hamas launched a horrific terrorist attack against Israel, the United States has stood resolutely with Israel, providing billions of dollars of security assistance, providing humanitarian support to Gaza, and intervening to shield Israel from attack by Iran and its proxies. However, the Netanyahu government’s response has cost the lives of tens of thousands of Gazan civilians, pushed millions more to the brink of famine, and edged Israel toward broader conflict with Hezbollah and Iran.

With Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Washington, DC this week, U.S. Senator Jack Reed (D-RI), Chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, spoke on the Senate floor on Tuesday to urge Mr. Netanyahu and his government to change course in its war.

In his remarks, Senator Reed pressed Israel’s leaders to change their strategy in Gaza, wrest control of their government back from far-right extremists, and recognize that a two state-solution is the only viable path to peace and stability for the Israeli people.

A video of Senator Reed’s remarks may be viewed on C-SPAN (2:15:00).

A transcript of Senator Reed’s floor speech follows:

REED: Mr. President, I rise today to discuss the state of the war between Israel and Hamas.  Tomorrow, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu will speak before a joint session of Congress. 

I hope that he will propose a significant change in his approach to the war.  I hope he will offer his resounding thanks to President Biden for his steadfast support of the defense of Israel.  And I hope he will thank this Democratically led Senate, the Majority Leader, and our Republican colleagues for our early support of the supplemental appropriations bill that provided billions of dollars to strengthen Israel’s defenses and provide humanitarian support to Gaza.

It has been more than nine months since Hamas carried out its horrific attack against the Israeli people.  Hamas terrorists killed more than 1,200 men, women, and children, and took 250 hostages.  Unspeakable acts of terror were committed on October 7th, and they will never be forgotten.

In the wake of this attack, the United States has stood resolutely by Israel’s side…providing billions of dollars of aid and intervening to shield Israel from attack by Iran and its proxies. 

For more than 75 years Israel has been one of our closest allies.  Since its founding, Israel has relied on America’s friendship, and we have been proud to give it.

It is because of this friendship—not in spite of it—that we must insist the Israeli government change course in its war against Hamas.  Israel’s leaders must refocus their efforts to peace, stability, and the core tenets of Israel’s democracy.

Several months ago, I came to the Senate floor, as Chairman of the Armed Services Committee and as a friend and long-time supporter of the Israeli people, to say that the war had veered off course.  I urged Prime Minister Netanyahu to learn from the United States’ lessons in Iraq and Afghanistan, and I urged him to develop a realistic long-term plan for Gaza, including a framework for a two-state solution.

Instead, Prime Minister Netanyahu has not just ignored the guidance of Israel’s friends and allies; he has doubled down on his worst instincts and the dangerous ambitions of the most extreme elements of his coalition government.

The situation in Gaza is catastrophic.  Gaza is a tiny enclave, but it is home to more than two million people who have been living in a warzone for nine months.  Tens of thousands of innocent Palestinians have been killed.  Nearly half a million Gazans are facing life-threatening food insecurity.  Efforts to increase humanitarian assistance have fallen far short.  Mr. Netanyahu and his government have failed to develop an exit strategy for Gaza.  They have no plan for a sustainable future for the Palestinians, and no plan to establish security and rebuild Gaza’s destroyed cities.  

Even more alarming, Israel now faces the threat of a second front on its northern border with Lebanon.  Hezbollah—better trained and better armed than Hamas—continues to clash with the IDF, threatening all-out war.  At the same time, violence in the West Bank could boil over at any moment, which could spark wider regional conflict. 

As I said in March, I believe good allies and good friends stand together.  But great allies, great friends are willing to speak hard truths and hold each other to the highest standards, especially around the conduct of war.  With Prime Minister Netanyahu in Washington this week, I am again compelled to say that the Israeli government must change its path.

There are three specific issues that the Israeli government must address if it hopes to secure lasting peace.  First, it must change its strategy in Gaza from a counterterrorism operation to a counterinsurgency campaign.  Second, Israel must wrest control of its government back from the far-right extremists who have seized power.  And third, Israeli leaders have to recognize that a two state-solution is the only viable path to peace and stability for the Israeli people.

To start, we have to acknowledge that Prime Minister Netanyahu has lost his way in leading Israel’s war against Hamas.  He appears unwilling or unable to understand that his military strategy cannot destroy a group like Hamas.  He continues to drive a costly, high-tempo counterterrorism campaign when he should be pursuing a counterinsurgency campaign.

The differences between these two strategies are important.  A counterterrorism operation—like the one the IDF is carrying out—is about applying military power to crush terrorist fighters and prevent attacks.  Certainly, Israel has degraded much of Hamas’ military power.  U.S. analysts have judged that Hamas no longer has the capabilities to carry out another attack like October 7th.   But Hamas is not just a terrorist group; it is an ideology and a political organization with deep roots.   Political ideologies like Hamas cannot be bombed into submission.

Instead, Mr. Netanyahu must shift to a counterinsurgency strategy.  Counterinsurgency campaigns seek to address the root causes of the insurgency, and strive to win the support of the local population while building legitimacy for a responsible government.  Israel’s objective should be to weaken Hamas’ support among Palestinians and ultimately isolate it from political and military lifelines.

In times of trauma, every nation’s first reaction is fear and anger.  Much like Israel’s horror on October 7th, the United States experienced a deep national trauma on September 11th, 2001.  We too, responded militarily, but it took us far too long to learn that a sustainable peace cannot be won solely on the battlefield.  The best armies in the world cannot defeat a terrorist ideology. 

Nine months into Israel’s war against Hamas, it is clear that there is no way to wipe out the Hamas ideology through military might alone.  This is not just my opinion.  Current and former Israeli political and military leaders—including members of Mr. Netanyahu’s own cabinet—have warned that Israel’s current strategy is not viable for long-term victory.  Last month, the chief Israeli military spokesman, Rear Admiral Daniel Hagari, said, quote, “those who think they could make Hamas disappear are wrong. Hamas is a political party. It is rooted in people’s hearts.”

It was because of this strategic failure that Benny Gantz—a former Israeli army general, defense minister, and member of Netanyahu’s war cabinet—announced his resignation last month.  He argued for months that Israel needed to fundamentally change its approach to the war…but Netanyahu could not be reasoned with. 

I agree with Mr. Gantz on this issue.  Prime Minister Netanyahu’s conduct of the war has backfired strategically.  Hamas wants to keep Israel in a state of perpetual war, and Netanyahu has fallen into that trap.  His government must shift from a counterterrorism strategy to a counterinsurgency strategy.

Much of Mr. Netanyahu’s intransigence may be attributed to the political allies he surrounds himself with.  As a way to cling to power, Netanyahu has made common cause with far-right extremists who pursue their own agendas at the expense of Israel’s security.  These extremists have been elevated to some of the highest cabinet positions in the government, and have encouraged Netanyahu’s most misguided policies, including his attempted changes to the Israeli judicial system.

One of these figures is Itamar Ben-Gvir.  As a convicted terrorist, Ben-Gvir was deemed too extreme to serve in the Israeli military.  Nonetheless, in order to secure his coalition government, Prime Minister Netanyahu placed Ben-Gvir in charge of the Ministry of National Security, which oversees the Israeli National Police.

Ben-Gvir has openly advanced his desire for the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians, including in Gaza.  He has advocated for the settlement of Israelis in Gaza after the war, and has organized a campaign to hand out assault rifles to Jewish settlers.  Importantly, Ben-Gvir has threated to topple the governing coalition if his radical demands aren’t met.  In particular, he has pressured Mr. Netanyahu to reject a hostage deal or ceasefire with Hamas that would include the release of Palestinian prisoners.  Ben-Gvir’s extreme agenda is eroding Israel’s stability and adherence to the rule of law.

Another cabinet minister is Smotrich, a notorious radical settler activist with a troubling record.  As Netanyahu’s Minister of Finance and adjunct minister in the Ministry of Defense, Smotrich leverages his official power to advance his agenda of annexing the West Bank for Jewish settlers and evicting Palestinians from the area.  With Prime Minister Netanyahu’s implicit support, Smotrich has steadily shifted control of administering the West Bank to his hand-picked cronies in the Defense Ministry.  The Israeli activist group Peace Now has assessed that 2024 has been the “peak year” for Israeli land seizures in the West Bank.

As Finance Minister, Smotrich has abused his power by freezing distribution of Palestinian tax revenues as leverage to force the annexation of Jewish settlements.  These tax revenues constitute almost all of the Palestinian Authority’s budget, including its police and security personnel.  Earlier this month, Smotrich released some funding back to the Palestinian Authority… in exchange for the authorization of five Israeli settlements that had been built illegally.  This is extortion, plain and simple, and it has been condemned by U.S. Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen and National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan.

I highlight these far-right cabinet leaders because their extreme personal and political agendas are impacting the government’s military decisions in Gaza.  Whether through threats or cajoling, Ben-Gvir, Smotrich, and others have pushed the government into prosecuting the war and governing Israel the way they see fit. 

In announcing his resignation last month, Mr. Gantz told the press that he had, quote, “become exasperated with Netanyahu for agreeing on one thing in the wartime cabinet and then doing the opposite because of pressure from his far-right coalition partners.”  In his resignation speech, Gantz, lamented that, “fateful strategic decisions are met with hesitation and procrastination due to political considerations. Unfortunately, Netanyahu prevents us from progressing to real victory.”

These dynamics caused former Prime Minister and Defense Minister Ehud Barak to publicly warn that, “[this war] appears to be the least successful war in history due to the strategic paralysis in the country’s leadership.”

Prime Minister Netanyahu is beholden to the far right.  He needs his right-wing partners to stay in his coalition, and in turn, they cannot abandon him, because he is their best chance to accomplish the objectives of their nationalist agenda.  Until the there is a change the direction of Israel’s leadership, the far right will continue to drive Israel’s security and the war in Gaza into the ground.

The failings of the Netanyahu government are not just a matter of bad strategy or the Prime Minister’s willingness to rely on radical political partners to stay in power…it is also his own opposition to a two-state solution. 

As has been clear for decades, Prime Minister Netanyahu is unwilling to recognize that a two-state solution is the only viable path to peace and security for Israel.  He has been thwarting this option since his first term as Prime Minister in 1996.

One of Mr. Netanyahu’s most reliable assets for preventing a two-state solution has been Hamas.  As far back as 2012, Netanyahu told Israeli press that, quote, “it was important to keep Hamas strong, as a counterweight to the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank.”  He knew that by empowering Hamas in Gaza, a two-state solution would never be possible. 

In fact, between 2012 and 2018 alone, Netanyahu allowed an estimated $1 billion dollars to flow into Gaza, at least half of which reached Hamas.  According to the Jerusalem Post, in a private meeting with members of the Likud party in 2019, Netanyahu explained his rationale as this: “The money transfer is part of the strategy to divide the Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank… In that way, we will foil the establishment of a Palestinian state.”

This open hostility to a two-solution has only hardened in the aftermath of the October 7th attacks.  In February, Netanyahu bragged, “Everyone knows that I am the one who for decades blocked the establishment of a Palestinian state that would endanger our existence.”  In just the last week, he led the Knesset in passing a resolution that rejects a two-state solution.

Mr. Netanyahu has never been shy about his desire to prevent a two-state solution.  His record is now clear beyond a shadow of a doubt.  We should not be surprised that he continues to stand in the way of peace.

With this troubling record laid out, I feel compelled again, as friend of Israel, to say that Prime Minister Netanyahu has put Israel on a disastrous path.  His leadership is eroding Israel’s security, health, and democracy.  In March, I came to the floor to call for new leadership for both the Israeli and Palestinian people.  I stand by that call.

Ultimately, these are decisions for the Israeli and Palestinian people. 

But, while Prime Minister Netanyahu continues to lead his nation, I urge him to return to the ceasefire framework that he agreed to in May with the Biden Administration.  This plan includes a sensible and phased approach to bring the hostages home, increasing life-saving humanitarian assistance to Gaza, and a realistic approach for day-to-day security and governance in Gaza.  Israel will not find the long-term security and peace it wants by indefinitely reoccupying the Gaza strip. 

In addition, the Prime Minister, working with the United States and other regional allies and partners, must achieve a diplomatic solution on the Israel-Lebanon border.  Now is not the time to risk opening a second, potentially more dangerous confrontation with Hezbollah that could spill over into a larger regional war.

Further, Mr. Netanyahu should immediately disavow the far-right members of his cabinet and stop their efforts to inflame violence in Gaza and the West Bank that is making a two-state solution all but impossible.  

Finally, Prime Minister Netanyahu must accept the legitimacy of a two-state solution, where the state of Israel and a demilitarized Palestinian state can exist side-by-side in peace and security.  This plan is difficult and will require buy-in from Israel, the Palestinian people, Arab neighbors, and the international community, but it is necessary and essential.  The inability to embrace a two-state solution has profound consequences for the state of Israel—its security, its standing in the world, and its ability to remain a democracy.

As I prepare to join my colleagues in listening to Prime Minister Netanyahu’s address tomorrow, I remain deeply skeptical of his leadership and willingness to change course, but I hope he will finally listen to his friends and allies, who only want the best for Israel. 

The United States is Israel’s oldest friend.  But as a friend, we must insist that Prime Minister Netanyahu fundamentally change the path he has put his country on.  The eyes of the world, and history, are upon him.

I yield the floor.